The United States – Israel relationship is unique. In 1989, Israel was officially designated by the United States as a Major non-NATO ally (MNNA). This has allowed Israel to remain an “unofficial” ally of the U.S. while at the same time conferring them a number of military and economic benefits. While strong U.S. support in the form of economic and military assistance was provided since Israel’s official state recognition in 1948, it was only in 1967 that the relationship between the two countries took its current shape. This unofficial allegiance originated after Israel’s victory in the Six-Day Israeli-Arab War in which it proved its military capabilities at a time when the U.S. was in desperate need of a strong and friendly ally in the Middle East.
Growing nationalism in Arab nations during the mid-1960s threatened U.S. oil interests and was especially problematic for the U.S.’s military campaign in Vietnam which depended on the Middle East for 60% of its oil (Bennis 2003: 37). Although it was strong militarily at this time, Israel was struggling economically from unemployment and high taxes, which was exacerbated by the cessation of German reparation payments. The threats posed to Israel from Syria, Egypt, Palestinian guerillas, and other Arab nations also threatened U.S. oil interests. Thus, after Israel’s victory, a situation arose in which the U.S gained a military presence in the region without involving its own forces. The U.S. greatly increased military and economic aid to Israel, and symbiotically Israel also gained further U.S. support by simply acting in its own national interests.
It is this formulation which still holds today; an Israel autonomous from the U.S., acting in its own interests, and at the same time conveniently serving U.S interests along the way. However, as the huge amount of U.S. economic and military assistance reveals, Israel’s military activities are directly supported by, if not dependent upon, the U.S. It is only political disingenuousness by the U.S. to portray the situation otherwise. By representing Israel as an ally in the War on Terror, the U.S. can legitimate its continued support of Israel to the American public.
The U.S. – Israel Connection
In sheer volume, the amount of aid given by the U.S. to Israel constitutes the most generous aid program ever between any two countries (Zunes 2006). According to the U.S. embassy in Israel, U.S. assistance to Israel began in 1949 with a $100 million Export-Import Bank Loan. From 1949-65, U.S. aid averaged $63 million per year, with 95% going to economic development assistance and food aid. In 1959, a military loan program began and from 1966 through 1970 the average annual aid per year increased to about $102 million, with military loans increasing to constitute 47% of all aid. From 1971 to the present, U.S. aid to Israel has averaged $2 billion per year – of which 66% is military assistance – and the total amount of aid has now reached $100 billion. Contrast this figure with the amount of aid the U.S. has given Palestine, which totaled $1.27 Billion from 1994-2004. In the year 2006 alone, the U.S. provided Israel with $3 billion in aid, which does not include loan guarantees and other unofficial sources of aid.
There are many organizations, individuals, and congressional representatives in Washington working to secure the U.S.’ unique relationship with Israel. The Israeli Lobby is one of the more influential in Washington. The American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is the most prominent organization within this lobby; it was ranked by Fortune magazine as the second most powerful lobby in Washington (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2006). It includes not just Jews, but also powerful Christian Evangelicals who believe the resurrection of Israel after statehood in 1948 is a step towards the fulfillment of biblical prophecy. This organization is also focused on maintaining Israel’s good standing in public, and the starkly biased U.S. media representation of the Israel – Palestine conflict can to some degree be attributed to AIPAC’s powerful presence in U.S. politics. Likewise, the Aerospace Industry Association (AIA), a large lobby group for weapons manufacturers, is believed to be even more powerful in congress than the Israeli Lobby (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2006). The influence of this group is significant because the U.S. is also Israel’s number one arms supplier. Not only does the U.S. supply arms, it also supplies the money to purchase the arms. 70% of the annual $3 billion worth of military aid provided by the U.S. is used to buy arms from U.S. weapon manufacturers like Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Raytheon; this is essentially a $2.1 billion handout to weapon manufacturers paid for by the U.S. tax payers (Berrigan, Hartung, and Heffel 2005)
The United States & the United Nations
Because the U.S. is one of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council it has the ability to veto any resolution put forth by the Council. And it does so, often as the lone voice of dissent in resolutions concerning the condemnation of Israeli actions. In fact, half of all the U.S. vetoes have been connected to Israel. Out of the five permanent members of the Council, the U.S. has used its veto 80 times. Russia, formally the U.S.S.R. has used its veto 122 times. However, the majority of Russian vetoes took place during the Cold War and Russia has rarely used its veto since the fall of the Soviet Union. For comparative purposes, the United Kingdom has used its veto 32 times with 23 of those vetoes coinciding with U.S. vetoes; France has used its veto 18 times with 13 of coinciding with the U.S. and the U.K; and China has used its veto only 5 times. Since the fall of the Soviet Union the U.S. has used twice as many vetoes as the other permanent members combined (Aljazeera.com 2003).
The majority of the U.S.’s vetoes concerning Israel were related to Israel’s occupation and military involvement in Palestine and Lebanon. The U.S. has also vetoed resolutions concerning the U.N.’s attempts at humanitarian involvement in Palestine, allowing for Israel to follow through with its actions without witness. The U.S. vetoed a resolution that would have held Israel accountable for the killing of U.N. workers and the destruction by Israel of the United Nations World Food Program warehouse holding 537 metric tons of food intended for needy Palestinians (Haaretz 2004).
The U.S.’s selective use of the veto has clearly demonstrated that it is not concerned with the condemnation of human rights violations. This year, the U.S. cast the lone veto in a resolution that would have set up worldwide standards for the selling of arms (Omar 2006). This resolution would have prohibited the selling of arms to states with poor human rights records and seemingly coincided with the U.S.’s stated humanitarian position, but such a move would, of course, have been antithetical to U.S. economic interests.
Appendix A
U.S. Weapons in the Israeli Arsenal
Selected list
| Weapon | Quantity | Manufacturer | Cost Per Unit |
| Fighter Planes | |||
| F-4E Phantom | 50 | Boeing | $18.4 million |
| F-15 Eagle | 98 | Boeing (originally McDonnell Douglas) | $38 million |
| F-16 Fighting Falcon | 237 | Lockheed Martin | $34.3 million |
| Helicopters | |||
| AH-64 Apache Attack | 42 | Boeing | $14.5 million |
| Cobra Attack | 57 | Bell Textron | $10.7 million |
| CH-53D Sea Stallion | 38 | Sikorsky | |
| Blackhawk | 25 | Sikorsky | $11 million |
| Missiles | |||
| AGM 65 Maverick | Raytheon | $17,000-$110,000 | |
| AGM 114 Hellfire | Boeing | $40,000 | |
| TOW | Hughes | $180,000 | |
| AIM 7 Sparrow | Raytheon | $125,000 | |
| AIM 9 Sidewinder | Raytheon | $84,000 | |
| AIM 120 B AMRAAM | Raytheon | $386,000 | |
| Patriot | Raytheon and Lockheed Martin | ||
| Harpoon Anti-Ship Missile | Boeing | $720,000 | |
Also for free the U.S. has given Israel
- 64,744 M-16A1 rifles
- 2,469 M-204 grenade launchers
- 1,500 M-2 .50 caliber machine guns
- .30 caliber, .50 caliber, and 20mm ammunition
Source: (http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/reports/israel050602.html)
Appendix B
U.S. Vetoes of UN Resolutions Critical of Israel
(1972-2006)
Vetoes: 1972-1982
| Subject |
Date & Meeting |
US Rep Casting Veto |
Vote |
| Palestine: Syrian-Lebanese Complaint. 3 power draft resolution 2/10784 |
9/10/1972 |
Bush |
13-1, 1 |
| Palestine: Examination of Middle East Situation. 8-power draft resolution (S/10974) |
7/2/1973 |
Scali |
13-1, 0 (China not partic.) |
| Palestine: Egyptian-Lebanese Complaint. 5-power draft power resolution (S/11898) |
12/8/1975 |
Moynihan |
13-1, 1 |
| Palestine: Middle East Problem, including Palestinian question. 6-power draft resolution (S/11940) |
1/26/1976 |
Moynihan |
9-1,3 (China & Libya not partic.) |
| Palestine: Situation in Occupied Arab Territories. 5-power draft resolution (S/12022) |
3/25/1976 |
Scranton |
14-1,0 |
| Palestine: Report on Committee on Rights of Palestinian People. 4-power draft resolution (S/121119) |
6/29/1976 |
Sherer |
10-1,4 |
| Palestine: Palestinian Rights. Tunisian draft resolution. (S/13911) |
4/30/1980 |
McHenry |
10-1,4 |
| Palestine: Golan Heights. Jordan draft resolution. (S/14832/Rev. 2) |
1/20/1982 |
Kirkpatrick |
9-1,5 |
| Palestine: Situation in Occupied Territories, Jordan draft resolution (S/14943) |
4/2/1982 |
Lichenstein |
13-1,1 |
| Palestine: Incident at the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. 4-power draft resolution |
4/20/1982 |
Kirpatrick |
14-1, 0 |
| Palestine: Conflict in Lebanon. Spain draft resolution. (S/15185) |
6/8/1982 |
Kirpatrick |
14-1,0 |
| Palestine: Conflict in Lebanon. France draft resolution. (S/15255/Rev. 2) |
6/26/1982 |
Lichenstein |
14-1 |
| Palestine: Conflict in Lebanon. USSR draft resolution. (S/15347/Rev. 1, as orally amended) |
8/6/1982 |
Lichenstein |
11-1,3 |
| Palestine: Situation in Occupied Territories, 20-power draft resolution (S/15895) |
8/2/1983 |
Lichenstein |
13-1,1 |
Security Council Vetoes/Negative voting 1983-present
| Subject |
Date |
Vote |
| Occupied Arab Territories: Wholesale condemnation of Israeli settlement policies – not adopted |
1983 |
|
| S. Lebanon: Condemns Israeli action in southern Lebanon. S/16732 |
9/6/1984 |
Vetoed: 13-1 (U.S.), with 1 abstention (UK) |
| Occupied Territories: Deplores “repressive measures” by Israel against Arab population. S/19459. |
9/13/1985 |
Vetoed: 10-1 (U.S.), with 4 abstentions (Australia, Denmark, UK, France) |
| Lebanon: Condemns Israeli practices against civilians in southern Lebanon. S/17000. |
3/12/1985 |
Vetoed: 11-1 (U.S.), with 3 abstentions (Australia, Denmark, UK) |
| Occupied Territories: Calls upon Israel to respect Muslim holy places. S/17769/Rev. 1 |
1/30/1986 |
Vetoed: 13-1 (US), with one abstention (Thailand) |
| Lebanon: Condemns Israeli practices against civilians in southern Lebanon. S/17730/Rev. 2. |
1/17/1986 |
Vetoed: 11-1 (U.S.), with 3 abstentions (Australia, Denmark, UK) |
| Libya/Israel: Condemns Israeli interception of Libyan plane. S/17796/Rev. 1. |
2/6/1986 |
Vetoed: 10 -1 (US), with 4 abstentions (Australia, Denmark, France, UK) |
| Lebanon: Draft strongly deplored repeated Israeli attacks against Lebanese territory and other measures and practices against the civilian population; (S/19434) |
1/18/1988 |
vetoed 13-1 (US), with 1 abstention (UK) |
| Lebanon: Draft condemned recent invasion by Israeli forces of Southern Lebanon and repeated a call for the immediate withdrawal of all Israeli forces from Lebanese territory; (S/19868) |
5/10/1988 |
vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Lebanon: Draft strongly deplored the recent Israeli attack against Lebanese territory on 9 December 1988; (S/20322) |
12/14/1988 |
vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: Draft called on Israel to accept de jure applicability of the 4th Geneva Convention; (S/19466) |
1988 |
vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: Draft urged Israel to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention, rescind the order to deport Palestinian civilians, and condemned policies and practices of Israel that violate the human rights of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories; (S/19780) |
1988 |
vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: Strongly deplored Israeli policies and practices in the occupied territories, and strongly deplored also Israel’s continued disregard of relevant Security Council decisions. |
2/17/1989 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: Condemned Israeli policies and practices in the occupied territories. |
6/9/1989 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: Deplored Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied territories. |
11/7/1989 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Occupied territories: NAM draft resolution to create a commission and send three security council members to Rishon Lezion, where an Israeli gunmen shot down seven Palestinian workers. |
5/31/1990 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Middle East: Confirms that the expropriation of land by Israel in East Jerusalem is invalid and in violation of relevant Security Council resolutions and provisions of the Fourth Geneva convention; expresses support of peace process, including the Declaration of Principles of 9/13/1993 |
5/17/1995 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Middle East: Calls upon Israeli authorities to refrain from all actions or measures, including settlement activities. |
3/7/1997 |
Vetoed 14-1 (US) |
| Middle East: Demands that Israel cease construction of the settlement in east Jerusalem (called Jabal Abu Ghneim by the Palestinians and Har Homa by Israel), as well as all the other Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territories |
3/21/1997 |
Vetoed 13-1,1 (US) |
| Call for UN Observers Force in West Bank, Gaza |
3/27/2001 |
Vetoed 9-1 (US), |
| Condemned acts of terror, demanded an end to violence and the establishment of a monitoring mechanism to bring in observers. |
12/14/2001 |
Vetoed 12-1 (US) |
| On the killing by Israeli forces of several UN employees and the destruction of the World Food Programme (WFP) warehouse |
12/19/2002 |
12-1 (US) |
| Demand that Israel halt threats to expel Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat |
9/16/03 |
Vetoed 11-1 (US) |
| Seeks to bar Israel from extending security fence |
10/14/03 |
Vetoed 10-1 with four absentations (Britain, Germany, Bulgaria and Cameroon) |
| Condemns Israel for killing Ahmed Yassin |
3/25/04 |
Vetoed 11-1 (US) |
| Calls For Israel To Halt Gaza Operation |
10/05/04 |
Vetoed 11-1 (US) |
| Calls For Israel To Halt Gaza Operation |
7/13/06 |
Vetoed 10-1 (US) |
Source: U.S. State Department; UN
Taken from: (http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/UN/usvetoes.html).
This article was written by Daniel Benson, Will Dockendorf & Michael Tracy
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2 Comments
So what is the solution?
One I probelm I see: the long established union between the us and israel is not only rooted in tradition, but it is extremely well funded. Possible pathways to an alternative will be and/or have been suppressed, so what can be done?
Another problem: the vast majority of israelis were born in isael. The idea that isael’s presence is an “occupation” has not been forgotten for good reason, however, it does not mean what it once did. Natives of certain lands feel entitled to those lands, so this particular situation has become much more complex. The added influence of religion is obviously implied.
I do not mean to be argue the points of this article – it is excellent, and it makes many great points – my only intention is to open a conversation.
What can be done? How can we suddenly withdraw support from this ally? How can we abandon a nuclear armed speck on the map in a sea of enemies and justify the move as a humanitarian act? How can we step down from our role as “world police” when our allies need us most, especially when our foolish leaders have committed more of our security forces to our enemies? The political implications of this article may have to come later rather than sooner.
Great points sir, we need a solution. I think it is realistic to believe that if the U.S cut Israel’s aid, say from 4 to 2 Billion a year this could entice Israel to stop thinking of military solutions and start thinking of peaceful solutions. Right now I think Israel is digging its own grave by occupying Gaza. They are creating more enemies. I think a two state solution is possible especially in Gaza because their are no Israeli settlers there. both sides need to compromise. The U.S could use its “special relationship” with Israel to coerce them into peace.